Dr RAMJILAL, Social Scientist and former Principal,
Dyal Singh College, Karnal. (Haryana-India)
email. [email protected]
(Asian independent) Brief: Untouchability is a critical issue of social inequality in India, representing a system of exclusion based on caste that denies individuals access to essential rights and resources. This exclusion affects public spaces, education, water, employment, and social interactions, undermining the concept of freedom in society. A society claiming to be free cannot truly be so when a segment is denied basic human rights.
During the Indian national movement, the fight against British colonialism also highlighted the need for social equality, revealing that political independence alone could not eradicate entrenched hierarchies. Bhagat Singh addressed untouchability in his essay “Achhut da Sawaal” (“The Issue of Untouchability”), published in June 1928, emphasising the need to connect caste, labour, and revolutionary thought. His approach viewed the oppressed as active agents of change, declaring, “तुम असली सर्वहारा हो”—“You are the real proletariat”—which linked untouchability to his socialist vision.
Expansion:
1. Historical Context and Origins of Untouchability:
Untouchability evolved from complex historical factors, including varna ideology and social practices, rather than a single event. It involved a hierarchical structure where communities engaged in “dirty” occupations faced systemic discrimination and poverty. This cycle of socio-economic degradation reinforced social exclusion and inequalities.
Bhagat Singh challenged stereotypes associated with marginalised groups, arguing that perceived inferiority stemmed from poverty and systemically imposed conditions, not from intrinsic characteristics. His perspective highlights the intertwined relationship between caste and class, positioning the fight against social inequality as essential to the broader struggle for freedom and equality in India.
2. Understanding the Relationship Between Caste and Labour:
Grasping the link between caste and labour is crucial for understanding Bhagat Singh’s views on untouchability. He rejected the idea that those in “dirty” jobs are inferior, instead attributing social degradation to systemic poverty and conditions. His work aimed to challenge stereotypes and highlight that perceived inferiority arises from socio-economic factors, not inherent traits.
In essence, Singh’s perspective emphasises the connection between caste and class, framing the fight against social inequality as vital to the broader struggle for freedom and equality in India.
3. The Dangerous Consequences of Untouchability:
Untouchability has profound and interconnected effects on society, fundamentally undermining human dignity by denying basic rights and perpetuating a hierarchy of worth. Economically, caste restricts access to education and mobility, limiting careers to stigmatised jobs that are essential yet socially devalued. Bhagat Singh argued that disdain for these roles is unjust and harmful to society.
Politically, untouchability restricts access to essential resources, leading to unequal citizenship and hindering democratic participation. Singh stressed that rights must translate into real access, distinguishing between formal and substantive equality in governance.
Psychologically, untouchability can erode self-respect and normalise oppressive behaviour among privileged groups. Abolishing it requires more than legal action; it demands a change in social attitudes, institutions, and daily practices.
4. Bhagatlabour Singh and the Question of Untouchability (Achhut da Sawaal):
Bhagat Singh’s writings must be viewed within the context of his evolution as a revolutionary whose ideas evolved toward socialism and a comprehensive vision of revolution. He did not see independence merely as the replacement of British officials with Indian ones; rather, he envisioned revolution as a restructuring of the social and economic frameworks that give rise to exploitation.
In his essay *Achhut da Sawaal*, Bhagat Singh articulates this perspective clearly. He points to the absurdity of a society that relegates millions to “untouchable” status solely based on their birth. By highlighting the contradiction between the nationalist call for political rights from colonial powers and the simultaneous denial of basic human rights to fellow citizens, he underscores that a demand for freedom from foreign rule is morally incomplete when equality is denied within the nation itself.
His arguments regarding public facilities provide further insight. Bhagat Singh framed access to schools, colleges, wells, and roads as rights rather than privileges. He believed that public institutions must ensure that marginalised communities could effectively utilise these resources. This viewpoint marks a significant shift from benevolent reform to enforced social equality.
5. “You Are the Real Proletariat”:
The term “real proletariat” demands careful consideration. Bhagat Singh was not merely describing impoverished individuals; in Marxist terminology, the proletariat refers to those whose relationship with the means of production places them in a dependent position reliant on wage labour. However, the structure of Indian caste society complicates any simplistic economic definition of class. Caste influences not only occupation but also status, marriage, social interaction, and access to resources in ways that cannot be fully captured by the frameworks of European industrial capitalism. Moreover, Bhagat Singh rejected the notion that the oppressed should passively await reform from above, instead urging them to organise themselves. He compellingly stated, “तुम असली सर्वहारा हो…संगठन बद्ध हो जाओ”—“You are the real proletariat…organise yourselves.” This statement is crucial in his discourse on caste, transforming the oppressed from subjects of reform into active agents of change.
6. Caste and Class in Bhagat Singh’s Thought:
His most distinctive contribution to the question of untouchability lies in his attempt to connect caste and class without reducing one to the other. A purely economic interpretation of poverty cannot adequately explain caste-based exclusion because caste can survive even when economic circumstances change. Conversely, a purely cultural interpretation can fail to recognise the material consequences of occupational segregation, unequal access to resources and inherited poverty.
His designation of the oppressed as the “real proletariat” is significant precisely because it brings these dimensions together. The phrase directs attention toward labour, exploitation and social humiliation simultaneously. It recognises that the people who perform essential work can be placed at the bottom of the social hierarchy while those who benefit from their labour claim higher status.
This insight remains valuable for the study of Indian society because caste and class frequently intersect without becoming identical. A person’s caste location can influence access to land, education, employment, housing, social networks and political power. Economic mobility can alter class position without automatically eliminating caste discrimination. Similarly, caste oppression cannot always be explained simply as an economic relationship. Bhagat Singh’s short essay does not provide a complete theory of this complex relationship, but it asks precisely the kind of question that a serious Indian theory of social transformation must address.
7. Rejection of Paternalism: Organisation and Self-Reliance:
Bhagat Singh’s argument aims to connect the issues of caste oppression with class exploitation, creating a comprehensive analytical approach to these interrelated forms of social injustice. One of the most significant aspects of Singh’s argument is his rejection of paternalism. He did not want the oppressed to remain dependent on the sympathy of upper-caste reformers, politicians, or government officials. Instead, he consistently emphasised the importance of organisation and self-reliance. The significance of this position becomes clearer when contrasted with the political debates of the time. The oppressed were increasingly demanding political representation, access to education, public facilities, and institutional safeguards. Bhagat Singh understood that rights without organisation could remain vulnerable.
This perspective also sheds light on his scepticism towards bureaucracy. In his writings, he cautions the oppressed against becoming mere instruments in the service of bureaucratic and political forces. His criticisms are part of a broader hostility toward structures of dominance. Singh believed that simply changing the personnel within administration would not necessarily transform society. The deeper issue lay in the social relations that reproduce power and privilege.
Furthermore, his perspective connects the issue of untouchability with a broader understanding of revolution. He concluded by stressing that social movements are the foundation for political and economic transformation. The sequence he describes is important: social consciousness and organisation create the conditions for meaningful political and economic change. This framework makes his essay much more than a humanitarian call against an evil custom; it represents a revolutionary interpretation of social reform.
8. Contemporary Relevance: From Legal Equality to Lived Equality:
The contemporary significance of Bhagat Singh’s essay lies not in treating the 1928 text as a ready-made policy programme for the twenty-first century, but in recovering the questions that it posed. Have violent incidents against Scheduled Castes stopped? Has the exploitation of Dalit women ended? Is derogatory language not used against Scheduled Castes? Is untouchability annihilated? Who performs the essential work of society? Who receives dignity for that work? Who controls institutions? Who has access to education and public resources? Who speaks for the oppressed? Can equality be achieved merely through legal declarations, or must social relations themselves be transformed?
These questions remain relevant because constitutional equality and lived equality are not necessarily identical. Article 17 established an unequivocal constitutional principle, but the continuing need for legislation, enforcement, social reform and public awareness demonstrates that legal abolition requires institutional implementation. The Protection of Civil Rights Act and related legal measures illustrate the continuing role of the state in converting constitutional principles into enforceable rights.
The relevance of Bhagat Singh’s concept of organisation is equally important. He did not imagine liberation as something permanently bestowed upon the oppressed by benevolent authorities. He emphasised collective consciousness, organisation and self-respect. In a democratic society, this principle can be understood through participation in education, civil society, political institutions, labour organisations and movements for social justice.
His criticism of contempt for labour is also highly contemporary. Modern societies depend upon sanitation workers, agricultural labourers, construction workers, domestic workers and numerous other forms of manual labour. The social value of such labour cannot be measured by the prestige attached to an occupation. Bhagat Singh’s argument invites society to reverse the traditional relationship between social status and necessary labour. Dignity should attach to the human being and to the social value of work rather than to inherited status.
9.The Relevance of Bhagat Singh’s Revolutionary Humanism:
Bhagat Singh’s approach to untouchability must finally be located within his wider conception of revolution. Revolution for him was not synonymous with violence or the throwing of bombs. In his later writings he explicitly emphasised that revolution involved profound social transformation. His concern with untouchability therefore belongs to the same intellectual framework as his criticism of imperialism, capitalism, communalism and religious dogmatism.
His humanism was revolutionary because it demanded the destruction of inherited hierarchies of human worth. He could not accept a society in which one person was considered impure because of birth. Nor could he accept a political freedom that left social slavery untouched. The revolutionary significance of his thought lies in the insistence that freedom must enter everyday social relations.
The phrase “You are the real proletariat” should therefore be understood as an ethical and political declaration as well as a class formulation. Bhagat Singh was telling the oppressed that their position did not make them weak; their indispensable labour and collective strength gave them a potentially decisive role in social transformation. His call to organise was consequently a call for dignity, agency and historical self-consciousness.
Conclusion: From Political Freedom to Social Freedom:
The issue of untouchability highlights a crucial aspect of modern India’s history: political independence and social emancipation are interconnected but distinct processes. The fight against colonialism targeted foreign rule, while the struggle against untouchability confronted ingrained social hierarchies. A comprehensive understanding of freedom must encompass both dimensions.
Bhagat Singh’s Achhut da Sawaal is significant, as it links caste oppression to concepts of labour and revolution, asserting that the oppressed are not mere recipients of reform, but active agents of change. His focus on social movements as precursors to political and economic transformation bridges anti-caste and socialist revolutionary thought.
Gandhi’s efforts challenged caste exclusion within Hindu society, while Ambedkar critiqued caste as a hierarchy, demanding representation and ultimately its abolition. While their approaches differ, they collectively affirm that social equality is integral to modern Indian freedom.
The Constitution’s abolition of untouchability marked a critical legal milestone, yet the distinction between legal abolition and social equality remains vital. True democratic society is measured not just by prohibiting discrimination but by ensuring that everyone can live and participate without humiliation due to birth.
Bhagat Singh’s an enduring message urges the oppressed to recognise their strength, organise, and challenge the social order, emphasising that complete freedom persists when dignity is unequal. Political independence can grant sovereignty and rights, but social emancipation needs transformation of consciousness and societal relations. His call to recognise and act on their collective strength underscores the path from political freedom to social freedom, and from formal equality to genuine human dignity.
References:
1.Singh, Bhagat .(1930.) “Why I Am an Atheist?”, 1930.
2.Singh, Bhagat. (June 1928).”Communal Riots and Their Solution”, Kirti, June 1928.
3.Singh, Bhagat. (1928)”The Untouchable Question”, Kirti, 1928, published under the pseudonym “Vidrohi”.
4.Singh, Bhagat., Jail Notebook / Prison Notes, various editions, including A Martyr’s Notebook, edited by Bhupendra Hooja.
5.Singh, Kultar., ed. (2011). Shaheed- e Azam Bhagat Singh ki Jail Diary. Unistar Books, Chandīgarh.
6.Singh, Bhagat. Selected Writings, various compilations.
7.Chandra, Bipan., India’s Struggle for Independence, Penguin.
8.Panikkar, K N. Panikkar works on nationalism, colonialism and revolutionary politics in India.
9.Maclean, Kama. (2015).A Revolutionary History of Interwar India: Violence, Image, Voice and Text, Hurst, 2015.
10.Noorani, G, A. (1996)., The Trial of Bhagat Singh: Politics of Justice, Oxford University Press, 1996.
11. Verma, Shiv .,writings and memoirs concerning the HSRA and Bhagat Singh.
12.Yashpal, Sinhavalokan, for an important revolutionary-era memoir.
13. Kumari, Mamta. (May 2024)., Relevance of Bhagat Singh’s Thoughts, PhD Thesis, BMU, Asthal Bohar, Rohtak.
14.Lal, Ramji , Dr. (30 September 2025). “Bhagat Singh: A Great Inspiration for Students and Youth: A Scientific Perspective,” Samaj Weekly UK, 30 September 2025. The article examines Bhagat Singh as a reader, rationalist and organiser and discusses the Naujawan Bharat Sabha, the 1928 manifesto and scientific temper.
15.Lal, Ramji , Dr. “Shaheed-e-Azam Bhagat Singh: The Importance of Secularism – A New Look,” Samaj Weekly UK, 26 September 2025. The article examines his secularism, rationalism, communalism and intellectual development.
16.Lal, Ramji , Dr. “Amar Shaheed Sukhdev: A Glorious Golden Page of the Socialist Revolutionary Movement – An Analysis,” Samaj Weekly UK, 14 April 2025. This provides detailed material on Sukhdev, his relationship with Bhagat Singh, the HSRA, the Lahore Conspiracy Case and the revolutionary movement.
17.Ambedkar, B, R., Dr. (24 March 2025). , “Ambedkar on Bhagat Singh,” Samaj Weekly, 24 March 2025. This provides an additional perspective for studying Bhagat Singh alongside Dr. B. R. Ambedkar.
18.Puniyani, Ram.( 11/07/2025).’Secularism and Socialism in Constitution’s Preamble: Eyesore to Hindu Nationalists’, this places Bhagat Singh within the wider tradition of socialist and secular thought in the Indian freedom movement.
19.Lal, Ramji , Dr .(5 October 2025). , “Bhagat Singh: A Great Inspiration for Students and Youth: A Scientific Perspective,” Asian Independent UK, reproduced in the Samaj Weekly UK edition of 5 October 2025. The article particularly discusses Bhagat Singh’s intellectual life, Jail Diary, Naujawan Bharat Sabha, socialist ideas and cientific temper.
20.Lal, Ramji , Dr.( 2025),”Shaheed-e-Azam Bhagat Singh: The Importance of secularism – A New Look,” Samaj Weekly UK / Asian Independent UK related publication material, 2025.
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