Prem Singh
(Text of the Comrade KC Bhaskaran Memorial Lecture held on 25 November 2025 at Kanhangad, Dist. Kasargod, Kerala)

(Asian independent) It has been always heartening to me to note that the old socialist families in Kerala still remain connected to the socialist movement. Most senior members of some of these families are present here. Their presence adds to the dignity of this event. It is a pleasure that the organizing body, Lohia Vichara Vedi, has honoured them. I would suggest that contact and co-operation with these families can play a vital role in reviving the socialist movement in the state. This important work can be carried forward under the aegis of Lohia Vichara Vedi.
It is a fit tribute to comrade KC Bhaskaran (19 April 1931 – 25 November 2020) that the socialists of the Malabar region have started holding a memorial lecture in his memory. The first memorial lecture was delivered by Professor Rajaram Tolpadi, an eminent political scientist, last year. I feel honoured that I am here to deliver the 2nd Comrade KC Bhaskaran Memorial Lecture. I thank the organisers for giving me this unique opportunity.
I pay my humble tribute to the late Shri KC Bhaskaran in whose memory this prestigious lecture is organised. He was one of the founders of Lohia Vichara Vedi along with comrades PV Kurien and KP Muhammed. Socialist fraternity of Kerala used to call him a socialist teacher of Malabar. He and his team of socialist comrades including MP Balakrishnan Master, KVN Panicker, Padmanabhan Nair and P Balan Master travelled every nook and corner of the Malabar region to propagate socialist doctrine and literature. That is why I said that the decision to organise a lecture in his memory at his place of work is a fitting tribute to him. In this way, his enduring commitment and contribution to the socialist movement is to be acknowledged.
In fact, the same commitment is required today to make the relevance of the socialist movement and doctrine a ground reality. In other words, the relevance of the socialist movement in the present era is beyond question. One must remember that the Congress Socialist Party formed within the Congress was to be the alternative to the Congress in the future. What is needed today is to make its relevance a reality on the ground.
The socialist movement of India, with its revolutionary ideology and praxis, has some original characteristics. Let us take a look at them first.
- The socialist movement was born from the womb of the Indian Freedom Movement. Therefore, it assimilates all the streams of the anti-imperialist struggles that happened before and after the Revolt of 1857.
- It does not assign the essential task of changing the social structure of India to the economic system alone. It rather considers social change as a parallel task, which to a large extent, is independent of the economic. It views the questions of class, class-consciousness and class-struggle in the context of caste. It is in natural alliance with the movements and leaders for social change in India, especially against caste system and patriarchy.
With reference to the vitally important issue of transformation of the country’s social system, the socialist movement has followed the objective of unleashing the inherent potential of India’s Bahujan and for achieving liberation from the shackles of feudalism-colonialism permanently.
Dr. Lohia’s aim to bring Dalits, Adivasis, backward castes, women and poor Muslims forward in the social structure, in the service sector and in politics, was a revolutionary suggestion in order to transform the socio-economic-political-cultural structure of the country, on a permanent basis. Lohia saw the maximum possibility of hope through the de-Brahmanization and de-colonization of the minds of these marginalized communities. Lohia believed that the ‘mind’ of the marginalized communities has been largely free from the grip of old Brahmanical and the new colonial value systems. In this sense, it could be a strong and unyielding opponent to communal fascism and capitalist imperialism.
The same can be suggested in the context of two-thirds of the world. But this idea, particularly suggested by Lohia, with its deep possibilities for bringing about a revolution in the socio-political-cultural structure of India, was reduced to the crude level of sheer casteism by the leaders following politics of social justice. Not only this, the entire marginalized groups were also reined into the service of communal fascism and capitalist imperialism. It is unfortunate that many progressive intellectuals too perceive this idea of Lohia solely from an electoral perspective. In this entire exercise, the vast marginalized population, instead of becoming citizens of modern India, has become imprisoned in the identities of castes, tribes and religions.
- It propounds an independent socialist ideology which is not fully defined but distinct from capitalism and communism. It is different from the one propounded by European social democrats and democratic socialists. Its reference point for defining socialism are the colonised countries that have been victims of colonial plunder for centuries. It accepts that capitalism, witnessed from the beginning of the day, becomes possible only by being imperialist. It seeks colonies outside to make its manifestation possible. If colonies are not available outside, it establishes internal colonies within the country. That is why in socialist ideology, in view of the development of two-thirds of the world, emphasis has been laid on the change not only within capitalist production relations but also on the means of production i.e. technology.
- The socialist movement of India rejects the capitalist and communist model of development in the view of the simultaneous development of two-thirds of the world in all its dimensions including technology and production/exchange. It is also opposed to indiscriminate exploitation of resources resulting in environmental destruction for accumulation of capital. It advocates prosperity with equality instead of contributing to extreme consumerist culture.
- India’s socialist movement does not divide means and ends into two separate compartments. It believes that the justification for every step/action in the struggle towards achieving the goal should clear and visible in the step itself.
- It recognizes the non-violent mode of action countering the unjust system, situation and law when legal/legislative measures are insufficient. It considers the method of Satyagraha/Civil Disobedience to resist injustice to be the greatest revolution the world has seen so far. Under this method of resistance it is not only a group/class which can launch a protest but even a single individual can take a position to fight against injustice.
- It is inherently democratic. Hence, civil liberties and individual freedom including freedom of expression are part of its ideological structure. It gives special importance to the freedom of women towards the creation of a socialist civilization. It is also in favour of the freedom of culture, literature and arts from state control. In this way, it has made a significant contribution towards making a modern, democratic and independent human society.
- India’s socialist movement considers decentralization of power, governance and resources as essential for a socialist system as against centralist hegemony.The concept of Chaukhambha-Raj (Four Pillar State) has been proposed for decentralisation of political power, resources and administration.
- It advocates establishing equal relations between all countries along with a system of equality within countries, and for that, it presents the idea of a world government and a visa-free travel.
10 While accepting Indianness as pluralistic, it offers to view and understand culture, philosophy, art, literature, language and religious traditions from a rational progressive perspective. It rejects fanaticism and essentialism for the good health of a society and nation.
- The socialist movement of India accepts politics as an art of exploring and achieving the truth. Hence, it advocates complete transparency, honesty and accountability in politics, the political parties/leaders who carry it out, and the power-game inevitably associated with them. It believes that if the structure and functioning of a political party is not democratic, then the democratic system will inevitably be distorted. It does not accept the rule of one party, one person, and one family as democratic by any argument/logic. In this way, it is a philosophy that proposes a civilization of a socialist political conduct in world politics.
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The literature of its major thinkers Acharya Narendra Deva, Jayaprakash Narayan, Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia, Kishan Patnaik, Sachchidanand Sinha and other socialist thinkers/leaders inspired by them, should be studied and understood in order to understand the socialist ideology of India comprehensively. While observing the socialist literature in its entirety, one will find that the socialist ideology is an open ideology. Its aim is to completely eradicate inequality, injustice and weapons from the world, and to bring out the inherent potential of subjugated/marginalised people to lead a new world order in every sphere of human activities.
The guiding philosophy to realise this goal could be Gandhi’s – `non-violence’ (for the Universe as a whole) `last person first’, `praxis’ and `voluntary poverty’ as suggested by Prof. Arun Kumar, an eminent economist. This is what the socialist leaders of India have called applying the Gandhian filter to socialism that they envisioned.
I would like to mention here the fact that the period of the organised Indian socialist movement spanned from 1934, at the time when the Congress Socialist Party (CSP) was formed within the Congress, to 1977, when the Socialist Party was merged with the Janata Party. The parties that were formed by the new and old socialists after the disintegration of the Janata Party took full political advantage of the remnants of the great movement, but often side-lined the ideology.
Unfortunately, the socialists who used to criticise this kind of individualistic/dynastic/casteist politics by calling it a defamation of socialism, even their role was not that of a saviour/liberator of the movement and ideology. The youth of the country have to understand that most of the post-Janata Party socialists have themselves damaged the socialist movement to a great extent.
Any concerned and politically awakened citizen will admit that for a political ideology to come true, a political party is a must. After 1977, there has not been a strong socialist party on the political scene of the country. However, there have always been some ideologically committed groups and individuals, who will remain so in the future too. Such people formed Samajwadi Jan Parishad (1995) and Socialist Party India (2011) to counter the neo-imperialist slavery coming through the New Economic Policies imposed in 1991. Both these parties were, however, not able to garner expected strength.
Particularly the youth have to seriously understand that if India (and two-thirds of the world) have to free themselves from the corporate-communal nexus and neo-imperialist clutches, it can be possible only on the basis of the socialist ideology. However, they have to understand that socialist movement/ideology is not the legacy of only those who call themselves socialists. It is the common legacy of all Indians and poverty and conflict-ridden world. Hence, a genuine dialogue is necessary with the people/groups working for the cause of egalitarian values with a true anti-imperialist spirit in the country and world-over.
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We can expect prospects of the socialist movement only if we identify the challenges faced in this era of corporate-communal nexus, and by confronting them in order to create a genuine socialist space in society and politics. This requires not only commitment and hard work, but also some tough decisions. True socialists don’t have time to waste on routine activities. Discussions and writings among themselves won’t make much difference. It’s through dialogue with the people and participation in their struggles that socialism can regain lost ground and make it fertile again.
Concerned socialists of the country have been organising various programs to mark the 90th anniversary of the socialist movement in India. Among these, the events held in Calicut and then Poona were significant. In that series, the Youth Socialist Conference was held in Delhi, which focused on the role and responsibilities of youth. A decision has been made in Delhi under the auspices of Youth Socialist Initiative (YSI) to continue this campaign for the next 10 years, i.e. till the completion of 100 years of Indian socialist movement. Events should be held in different states and cities, along with ideological and action programs among youth, women, farmers, labourers, and office employees in the public and private sector, under this campaign.
The corporate-communal nexus has launched a massive attack on India’s education system. This attack needs to be countered by establishing units of the Socialist Yuvjan Sabha (SYS) and Samajwadi Shikshak Manch/Sabha in all the universities. Additionally, programs related to culture, literature, theatre, film, and the various art forms should be organized in every corner of the country. India has a rich folk tradition of culture, literature, theatre, and arts, which is being rapidly distorted by the corporate-communal nexus. This is a vast area where young socialist activists can work.
The BJP, in collaboration with the RSS, is not only openly using religion to seize the political power, it has also destroyed the sanctity and dignity of religion, religious institutions and religious festivals itself. This is also a major challenge for socialists, which they must confront with a proper perspective and understanding. Further, socialists need to do more work among women, as they have become a new target of the politics of corporate-communal nexus.
I would like to conclude with the submission that the struggle ahead would be hard and long. If this struggle is carried out with a proper perspective and focus, the relevance of the socialist movement would certainly be a ground reality.
Thanks for your attentive listening.
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