THE ASIAN INDEPENDENT UK
Dr Ramjilal,
Social Scientist and Former Principal,
Dyal Singh College, Karnal (Haryana, India).
Email ID: [email protected]
Independence Day Special Article:
Brief:
In colonial India and the subsequent era, women’s participation in struggles against feudalism and imperialism was not merely auxiliary; they stood as frontline warriors. The women’s peasant movements and the freedom struggle were two pivotal turning points in India that shaped the nation’s socio-economic and political trajectory. Marxist ideology played a crucial role in providing ideological direction, organisational structure, and revolutionary consciousness to both historic movements.
Karl Marx’s theory of class struggle and Vladimir Lenin’s anti-imperialist perspective provided Indian revolutionaries and rural women with the scientific insights needed to understand their dual exploitation: first, by foreign colonial forces, and second, by domestic feudal lords and the patriarchal system. This article systematically analyses the profound impact of Marxism, which transformed Indian women peasants and female freedom fighters from “silent victims” into “vanguards of revolution”.
Expansion:
Marxist Theory and the Indian Context: Ideological Background:
Indian society has traditionally been bound by a complex web of caste, class, and gender. In rural India, women perform over 70% of agricultural labour; however, within the feudal system, they are denied the status of “peasant” or “farmer”, being regarded merely as “invisible labourers”. (Lal, Ramji, Dr.03/09/2023)
The spread of Marxist and Communist ideas in India during the 1920s and 1930s redefined the concept of nationalism. The Marxist-feminist perspective clarified several key points:
Value of Labour and Exploitation: The work performed by women in the fields is not merely a domestic responsibility but a crucial component of economic production, the profits of which are appropriated by landlords and the colonial government.
Rights Over the Means of Production: Marxism raised the slogan “Land to the Tiller”, prompting women farmers to claim legal rights to the land equivalent to those of men.
The Nexus of Imperialism and Feudalism: Indian leftist thinkers argued that ousting the British would be futile unless the feudal landlord system and the economic and sexual exploitation of women in rural areas were eradicated.
This ideological perspective transformed illiterate and marginalised women of rural India into an organised political force. Before the rise of Marxist influence, women’s participation was primarily limited to activities such as singing bhajans, spinning the Charkha, and preparing food for arrested men.
Marxism introduced a fundamental change. The Gandhian peasant movements were based on the theory of satyagraha—truth and non-violence—aimed at “changing the heart of the oppressor”—the British imperialist government in India. In contrast, Marxist theory, based on class struggle, viewed the state as an instrument of class power to be seized. By 1938, Friedrich Engels’s (1884) work, ‘The Origin of Family, Private Property and State’, was circulated in Bengali, Telugu, and Hindi at Kisan Sabhas. Its first lesson taught that the root of women’s subjugation lies in private property. For women in general, and Kisan women in In particular, this idea was highly relevant.
From this ideology, Kisan women learned two crucial lessons:
1. Double Slavery: They were enslaved by feudal landlords because they lacked land and by their husbands since land titles were in their husbands’ names.
2. Double Goal: For the emancipation of Kisan women, there was a need to abolish feudalism and secure land rights for women.
At the 1944 AIKS Mahila Conference in Netra Kona, 5,000 delegates resolved: “Swaraj is incomplete without joint titles.” This resolution was 60 years ahead of the Hindu Succession (Amendment) Act of 2005. However, despite this act and decisions by the Supreme Court of India, Kisan women remain largely landless. Only 13.87% of women in agricultural communities hold legal rights to cultivable land. The situation is even more difficult for women from non-agricultural communities, with only 2% of female agricultural labourers possessing legal rights or land ownership titles. In other words, approximately 86% of women in agricultural communities and 98% of women in agricultural labour communities do not own any land. Women in agricultural communities primarily work on land owned by their families. Thus, we must emphasise that there is a significant lack of land ownership among women. {Lal, Ramji, Dr (03/09/2023).
Organizational Evolution: From ‘Mahila Mandals’ to ‘Nari Vahini’
Mainstream accounts from the colonial and post-independence eras primarily highlight movements led by the urban elite, often omitting local rural women from the historical record. Prior to the influence of Marxism, women’s participation was largely confined to activities such as singing bhajans (devotional songs), spinning the charkha (spinning wheel), and cooking for men who had been arrested. However, with the rise of Marxist ideology, early records of the Kisan Sabha (Peasants’ Union) reveal a paradox: while there was a heavy reliance on women for large-scale protests and frontline defence, men continued to dominate leadership positions for a long time.
Following the advent of Marxism, ‘Mahila Mandals’ (women’s groups) transformed into ‘Nari Vahini’ (women’s squads). Women began training in the use of lathis (batons), harvesting crops at night, and confronting—or even attacking—police stations. They repurposed ordinary kitchen tools and domestic chores into strategic methods of resistance against state forces. Previously, leadership was largely restricted to highly educated urban women; post-Marxism, however, leadership extended to ordinary women—specifically peasant women like Godavari Parulekar, who were themselves farmers and served as commanders within the movement.
Before this shift, women’s roles were limited, but the post-Marxist era saw an unprecedented change in their demands. Following the abolition of the Zamindari system, the movement reached the masses, and the push for joint land ownership rights for women served to unite rural women. The organisational structure began to shift after the women’s wing of the All-India Kisan Sabha was established in 1936. In 1943, the Communist Party of India issued a manifesto advocating for the training of women in the use of arms. Consequently, during the Tebhaga Movement (1946–1947) and the Telangana Armed Struggle (1946–1951), women actively took charge of the struggle; they learnt to wield lathis, guns, and spears and broke the enforced silence against exploitation that had persisted for generations. Tebhaga Movement (1946–1947):
In the Tebhaga Movement, led by the Bengal Provincial Kisan Sabha, sharecroppers fought to retain two-thirds of their harvest rather than handing over half to the landlords. Ahalya Devi was a local leader who bravely organised rural women into defence squads (Nari Vahini). These women utilised everyday household implements—such as brooms, sickles, and kitchen utensils—to confront the landlords’ armed men and colonial police officers. Ila Mitra was a prominent Communist organiser who led Santhal tribal farmers in the Nachol region; she endured severe torture in police custody for advocating agrarian rights.
Ahalya Devi and Bimala Majhi were ordinary rural and tribal women who provided strategic leadership throughout the movement. Marxist training had instilled in them the conviction that their right to the crops was essential for survival. They besieged police stations and drove away landlords who came to plunder the harvest. Bimala Majhi emerged as a leading warrior of the Tebhaga Movement. She endured brutal treatment, including being confined in a cage for a month and facing 140 charges, which resulted in a two-and-a-half-year prison sentence.
During the Tebhaga Movement, Women—not just men—played pivotal roles. With the rise of Marxism, the leadership of the movement extended to ordinary women. Prominent figures such as Rani Mitra Dasgupta, Mani Kuntal Sen, and Renu Chakravartty were involved alongside Bimla Majhi; however, Bimla Majhi remains the most renowned among them. According to police reports, women constituted approximately 70 per cent of those arrested during the movement—a significant indicator of breaking the silence against exploitation that had persisted for generations.
Telangana Movement (1946–1951):
The Telangana Movement (1946–1951) marked the first armed uprising in the history of women’s peasant movements. During this period, women took up arms for the first time; by 1951, around 5,000 women had become armed combatants. The Mahila Sangham established Gram Raj (village self-rule) across 3,000 villages. Notably, Chakali Ailamma (Chityala Ailamma) hoisted the red flag on the land of the *Doralu* (feudal lords), while Mallu Swarajyam (Bullet Lady) assumed command of an armed squad at the young age of 16.
Alongside Chityala Ailamma, other women who played pivotal roles in the Telangana Peasant Armed Struggle (1946–1951) included Mallu Swarajyam (associated with the Andhra Mahasabha), Padma Deshpande (Navyuvak Mandal), N. Satyavati (Andhra Yuvati Mandali), Jashodaben (Navjeevan Mandali), as well as Jamalunnisa Begum, Suniti Choudhury, Bina Das, Durga Devi, Pritilata Waddedar, and Lachhamma. Belli Lalitha was famous as the Nightingale of Popular Songs of the Telangana Movement.
Warli Tribal Revolt (1945–1947): Godavari Parulekar
Godavari Parulekar was a prominent Marxist leader who organised Warli communities in remote tribal areas. Leading the Kisan Sabha in Maharashtra’s Thane district, this struggle addressed issues such as bonded labour, debt slavery, and forced extortion.
Bijolia Kisan Andolan and Regional Struggles: Malati Choudhury, Ganga Bai, and Narayani Devi Verma:
Malati Choudhury was an active left-wing nationalist organiser who founded the Utkal Congress Socialist Karmi Sangha. She tirelessly travelled on foot to mobilise vulnerable Adivasi communities and peasants in Odisha, rallying them against oppressive local rulers. In Rajasthan, local peasant women like Ganga Bai and Narayani Devi Verma played a significant role in organising peasant families during the prolonged Bijolia Kisan Andolan. They called for a boycott of excessive colonial and feudal agricultural taxes.
In summary, while women’s roles had previously been limited, the post-Marxist era witnessed a remarkable shift in their demands. After the abolition of the Zamindari system, the movement gained widespread support and emphasised the need to grant women joint ownership rights over land (Lal Ramji, Dr. 11/06/2023). The intersection of Marxist ideology and the agrarian struggle created a unique dynamic in the Indian national movement, transforming ordinary peasant and Adivasi women into active political agents. Marxist organisers approached the agrarian crisis through the lens of distinct class-based and gender-based exploitation, targeting the unique socio-economic realities faced by rural female labourers. While mainstream history often highlights urban elite figures, the mobilisation led by Left-wing organisations and the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) in 1936 empowered a fierce network of grassroots heroines. These unsung women confronted not only British imperialism but also deeply rooted local feudal structures and gender oppression.
Theological and Practical Impacts:
The Marxist ideology and participation in related movements had far-reaching effects:
1. Class and Gender Consciousness: Marxism helped women recognise that their exploitation extended beyond a male-dominated society; it was also tied to an economic system that undervalued their labour.
2. Development of Leadership Capabilities: By engaging with left-wing and peasant organisations, women began to take on active roles in significant movements, conducting meetings, delivering speeches, and participating in decision-making.
3. Recognition of Labour Rights: Women’s substantial contributions to agriculture had previously been considered “invisible labour”. Marxist thought helped bring attention to this labour and reinforced demands for equal rights and wages in agricultural work.
4. Collective Solidarity: By stepping beyond the confines of the home, women united to voice their concerns against oppressive policies, land rights issues, and the challenges of indebtedness.
Contemporary Challenges and Introspection:
Despite the significant empowerment of women in farmers’ movements through Marxism, several structural challenges remain that need to be addressed:
1. Patriarchy vs. Class Struggle: In Leftist movements, class struggle is often prioritised to the extent that the patriarchal mindset within the organisation is overlooked. While women mobilise crowds for these movements, their representation in central decision-making bodies, such as Politburos or central committees, remains lower than that of men.
2. Interplay of Caste and Class: In India, agricultural land is primarily held by intermediate and upper castes, while the majority of women farmers and labourers belong to Dalit or Adivasi communities. Marxist organisations need to gain a deeper understanding of the intersectionality between caste discrimination and gender oppression.
3. Global Corporate Capitalism: Global corporate capitalism poses one of the greatest challenges to modern women farmers. They are no longer just fighting against local landlords; in line with Marxist principles, they are also struggling against global corporate capitalism, as well as Indian corporate capitalism, and the privatisation of agriculture. Women farmers recognise that contract farming and the abolition of the Minimum Support Price (MSP) will severely impact landless female workers. From tribal women to those in Delhi, all women farmers and agricultural labourers must wage their struggle based on class consciousness, ensuring that unity and harmony are not undermined by narrow religious, caste-based, or regional sectarianism.
In conclusion, between 1930 and 1947, India’s peasant movement was not primarily about rent reduction; it was against the entire system. Marxism infused it with class consciousness, and the most vocal representatives of that consciousness were the Kisan women. From Bardoli to Tebhaga to Telangana, millions of illiterate, impoverished women transformed a gun along with a sickle into symbols of resistance and a pallu into a flag. These symbols represented a movement for their rights to be recognised and their names inscribed on land deeds. Without these unsung women, the Zamindari system would not have ended, nor would the freedom struggle have become a mass movement. The leading Marxist woman leader, Godavari Parulekar, emphasised the role of Kisan women when she stated, “The victory of the peasant women was tied in a Pallu (corner) of a woman’s sari.”
References & Recommended Readings:
>Surjeet, Harkishan Singh (April-June, 1986). Fifty Years of the Peasant Movement / https://cpim.org/fifty-years-peasant-movement/ The Marxist. Volume: 04.No.2.
>https://cpim.org/marxism-and-struggle-womens-emancipation/
> All India Kisan Sabha: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
> Lal, Ramji, Dr (03/09/2023) Theory of the Feminization of Agriculture: An Evaluation https://samajweekly.com/theory-of-feminization-of-agriculture/
>Lal, Ramji, Dr (17/05/2023) Tebhaga Peasant Movement (1946–1947): The Role of Women in Bengal – A Re-examination https://samajweekly.com/tebhaga-kisan-andolan/
> Lal, Ramji, Dr (11/06/2023) The Role of Women in the Telangana Peasant Armed Struggle (1946–1951): A Re-evaluation https://samajweekly.com/telangana-peasant-armed-struggle-1946-1951/
>https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tebhaga_movement
> Sen, Sunil (1972), Agrarian Struggles in Bengal: 1946-47. New Delhi: People’s Publishing House.
>Cooper, Anrienne .(1988), Sharecropping’s Struggles in Bengal,1930-1950,K.p.Bagchi& Co. Calcutta.
> Sundarayya, P. (1972). Telangana People’s Struggle and Its Lessons. Calcutta: Communist Party of India (Marxist).
> Sharma, Kumud (1985). Women in Struggle: A Case Study of the Tebhaga Movement. Centre for Women’s Development Studies (CWDS).
>Sen, Manikuntala. (2001). In Search of Freedom: An Unified Journey, translated by Arunava Sinha, Stree, Kolkata, 2001.
>Striee Shakti Sangathana. (1989). We Were Making History: Women and the Telangana Uprising. London, Jet Books.
>https://frontline.thehindu.com/books/the-fire-of-defiance-mallu-swarajyam-telangana-feminist-history/article70583748.ece
>https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/telengana-peoples-struggle-and-its-lessons/women-in-the-telangana-movement/23DDD34D312DC29BA73
>https://feminisminindia.com/2020/08/12/women-armed-revolution-telangana-peoples-struggle/
>https://www.academia.edu/60498550/_We_Were_Making_History_Women_and_the_Telangana_Uprising
>Parulekar, Godavari(1975). Adivasi Revolt: The Story of Warli Peasants in Maharashtra. New Delhi, National Book Trust.
>Report of AIKS Conference, Netrakona (1944).P.C. Joshi Archives, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
>Chakravarti, Renu (1980), Communist in Indian Women’s Movement 1940-1950, People’s Publishing House, New Delhi
>Kanaga, Manisha (2016). Marxism and the Women’s Question in India. Economic and Political Weekly (EPW), Vol. 51, No. 28.
> All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS) (2021). Historic Farmers’ Movement and the Role of Women Farmers: A Report. New Delhi.
> Singh, Navsharan (2022). Women Farmers on the Frontlines of Resistance. Monthly Review (Monthly Review Press)
> Nigam, Nandini Raj (2025). Nationalism and Peasant Movements. https://www.allsubjectjournal.com/assets/archives/2025/vol12issue3/12057.pdf
