The Long Red March—March 6, 2018–March 12, 2018: An Incomparable Sea of Tribal Farmer
THE ASIAN INDEPENDENT UK
Dr. RamjiLal, Social Scientist,
Former Principal, Dyal Singh College,
Karnal (Haryana, India)
email.id [email protected]
The Indian economy can be categorised into three main sectors: agricultural, industrial, and service sectors. In the fiscal year 1950-1951, agriculture contributed 55.4% to the national GDP; however, this percentage has been steadily declining over the years. The Green Revolution and the White Revolution aimed to improve agricultural productivity, but they did not achieve their intended success. Indian farmers often received unfair prices for their labour and crops. The costs of agricultural inputs—such as seeds, pesticides, equipment, wages, loan repayments, and various natural and man-made challenges—have exacerbated the hardships faced by small, medium, and marginal farmers. Floods and famines represent some of their biggest struggles. For instance, in April 2016, approximately 330 million people across 256 districts in 10 Indian states were affected by drought, with Maharashtra being particularly hard hit.
In the drought-prone region of Marathwada, the situation for farmers has become dire. Due to anti-farmer policies implemented by various governments, over 1.2 million farmers across India have committed suicide in the last 22 years. In a troubling 10-month period from January 1 to October 31, 2017, 2,414 farmers in Maharashtra took their own lives. Despite the Maharashtra government’s announcement of a conditional loan waiver of ₹34,000 crore in 2017, this promise remained unfulfilled, leaving farmers feeling betrayed.
Widowed Farmer Women: Agony and Suffering
Widows face significant hardships following their husbands’ suicides, primarily because government officials often pressure them to renounce their rights. Kota Neelima sheds light on this injustice in her groundbreaking, research-based book, “Widows of Vidarbha: Making of Shadows” (Oxford University Press, 2018). Neelima explains that when farmers die by suicide or are murdered, their widows are frequently coerced into providing thumbprints or signatures to assert that their husbands were mentally unstable before their deaths. This disgraceful practice results in a considerable decrease in the compensation they receive, which is often limited too trivial amounts, and many women do not receive any assistance at all.
It is outrageous that officials overlook the crucial role that widowed women play in agricultural management, banking, land ownership, government services, electricity connections, Panchayat politics, education for their children, and access to government schemes. Tribal women are particularly disadvantaged, as millions are unjustly denied land rights, often alongside their husbands, who also lack these rights.
Renowned scholar and journalist P. Sainath, in his critical work “Everybody Loves a Good Drought” (Penguin, 1996), provides insight into the systemic exploitation that occurs during crises. He describes how officials exploit flood and famine situations to reap a “third harvest,” meaning that up to 25% of revenue from relief efforts is brazenly embezzled. This exploitation must be addressed and condemned.
Problems of tribal farmers in Maharashtra: Very serious
The plight of tribal farmers in Maharashtra is notably severe. Although they cultivate the land, they do not have legal recognition as farmers due to the lack of land rights. Ownership rights should have been granted to them under the Forest Rights Act of 2006, which acknowledges their historical rights to water, forests, and land; however, these rights have not been effectively implemented. A report from the Community Forest Rights Learning and Advocacy Group of Maharashtra in November 2017 revealed that collective rights were not enforced in 20 districts, except for Gadchiroli and Karauli. Before elections, tribal communities were offered temporary rights to secure votes, but these were often retracted shortly afterwards through legal proceedings.
Tribal farmers have increasingly been deprived of welfare benefits due to a lack of livelihood opportunities. Many have faced issues with their ration cards becoming obsolete, resulting in insufficient access to basic provisions. Water, forests, and land are essential for their survival, yet they are being displaced by government development projects, and Special Economic Zones (SEZs). For example, businessman Mukesh Ambani was allocated 25,000 acres of land under SEZs, forcing farmers to abandon their lands.
From 1951 to 2015, more than 500 million acres of land in India were acquired, displacing over 500,000 people. This issue is particularly relevant to farmers in Maharashtra, who are concerned about forced land acquisition for projects such as bullet trains and superhighways. These compounding factors have driven farmers to protest. For instance, on June 1, 2017, farmers in the small village of Putumba, Maharashtra, protested when onion prices plummeted to ₹1 per kg. They discarded fruits, vegetables, and onions onto the streets, igniting agitation that spread from Putumba to Mandsaur in Madhya Pradesh, impacting regions in Haryana, Rajasthan, Uttar Pradesh, and Punjab.
The All India Kisan Sabha (affiliated with the Communist Party of India (Marxist)) led farmers’ protests in Maharashtra, compelling the government to announce a partial loan waiver of ₹30,000 crore and a review of the minimum support price (MSP) for agricultural produce.
The Maharashtra Tur Dal scam received significant media coverage across India. Although the minimum support price for Tur Dal in Maharashtra was set at ₹5,050 per quintal, traders were purchasing the produce from farmers at ₹3,800 per quintal and then selling it in the market for the MSP of ₹5,050. Consequently, farmers incurred a loss of ₹1,250 per quintal, while traders made a profit of ₹1,250. This situation unfolded under the government’s watch, which remained silent.
The economic crisis reached its peak in 2016-17 due to policy reforms, demonetisation, and the introduction of the Goods and Services Tax (GST) by the BJP-led NDA government under Prime Minister Narendra Modi. These developments significantly impacted the agricultural sector. By early 2018, crop prices fell even further, leading to widespread anger among farmers.
The Long Red March: March 6, 2018 – March 12, 2018: An Incredible Human Red Sea of Tribal Farmers
On March 6, 2018, the All India Kisan Sabha initiated the Long Red March from Nashik. This highly disciplined, peaceful, and solemn march included approximately 60,000 to 70,000 tribal farmers (men, women, and youth) wearing red caps, carrying red flags, and chanting “Lal Salaam.” The participants covered approximately 180 kilometres over the course of six days, arriving in Mumbai to protest at the Maharashtra Legislative Assembly on March 12, 2018. This remarkable event became an incredible human sea of red, led by Kisan Sabha leaders Ajit Navle, Ashok Dhawale, Jiva Pandu Gavit, and Viju Krishnan.
A Peaceful Call from the Sons of the Soil: A Unique and Exemplary Example
The peaceful night march demonstrated by these farmers, who are often referred to as the “sons of the soil,” stands as a unique and exemplary moment in the history of farmers’ movements. The residents of Mumbai, initially restless, were left in awe and did their best to support the demonstrators. It is regrettable that many “film stars and actresses” from the city of dreams showed little sympathy for the “real heroes and heroines of Indian rural life,” reflecting an anti-tribal, anti-farmer, and anti-labour attitude. The Daily Tribune, in its editorial, “Call of the Sons of the Soil” (Dainik Tribune Chandigarh, March 15, 2018, page 8), praised the movement, writing:
“The farmers protesting in Mumbai for their demands have won the hearts of the countrymen with their discipline and conduct. The way tribal landless and feudal farmers remained disciplined under the scorching sun and open sky at night is commendable. The peaceful manner in which they reached the state capital to make their voices heard deeply impressed Mumbaikars. The vast sea of farmers passed silently through densely populated areas before sunrise, without disrupting the daily routine of examinees and ordinary citizens. Chief Minister Fadnavis displayed insensitivity by not technically considering the disciplined “rural India” who had come to protest as farmers. Many of them were barefoot, walking on their own feet. This was not a crowd of tractor owners who had gathered only for profit, demanding loan waivers and higher prices for their crops.”
Demands of Tribal Farmers in Maharashtra: Legitimate and Justifiable
The demands of tribal farmers in Maharashtra are entirely legitimate, and justifiable. They include the following key points:
1. Forest Land Rights: Tribal farmers should be granted rights to forest land, based on the proper implementation of the Forest Rights Act, 2006. These individuals, who engage in agriculture, deserve to be acknowledged as farmers under this act, and their land ownership rights should be legalised.
2. Renewal of Ration Cards: It is essential that the ration cards of tribal farmers are renewed to reflect their current needs.
3. Complete Loan Waiver: There should be a complete waiver of loans. In the aftermath of the farmers’ movement in 2017, outstanding crop loans reached ₹1.13 lakh crore. However, the previous government only waived ₹13,700 crore, which fell well short of the promised ₹34,000 crore. A full loan waiver is crucial and aligns with commitments made by political leaders.
4. Revised Definition of Family: The definition of family for loan waivers should be revised to ensure that either the husband or wife is included, thereby protecting the rights of widows.
5. Implementation of the Swaminathan Report: The recommendations of the Swaminathan Report (2006) should be realised, suggesting that The minimum support price (MSP) be determined at 50 percent above the total production cost, with the formula being MSP = C2 + 50%.
6. Pension Scheme for Elderly Farmers: A pension scheme for farmers aged 60 and above is necessary to support elderly individuals in the agriculture sector.
7. Amendments to River Linking Projects: Modifications should be made to river linking projects to ensure that water is allocated to drought-prone and famine-prone areas in Maharashtra instead of neighbouring Gujarat, preventing adverse effects on crops due to water logging.
8. Land Acquisition for Infrastructure: The government is urged to refrain from acquiring land for high-speed railways, bullet trains, and superhighways to protect farming communities.
9. Compensation for Crop Damage: Adequate compensation should be provided to poor farmers and agricultural laborers for damage caused by pests, including pink bollworms.
10. Disaster Compensation: A compensation amount of ₹50,000 per acre should be provided for crop damage resulting from natural disasters.
Support for Farmers’ Demands: From the Congress Party to the Shiv Sena
The Farmers’ Red March, organised by the All India Kisan Sabha and led by CPI(M), showcased the dedication, struggle, and sacrifices of these farmers. With red flags and caps, they made a powerful statement.
The demands of farmers garnered support from various political leaders, including then-Congress President Rahul Gandhi and then-National Congress Party President Sharad Pawar, as well as from the Aam Aadmi Party and the Shiv Sena. This significant Red March gained extensive media coverage and ignited discussions across India. In contrast, Poonam Mahajan of the BJP criticised the event, claiming that “urban Maoists” were misleading the farmers.
Chief Minister’s Letter: Timely Resolution of All Demands
The then Chief Minister of Maharashtra took a sensitive and proactive approach by accepting all the farmers’ demands. He decided to refer the forest land used by tribal and farmers to a cabinet committee for requisitioning, with the condition that farmers must provide proof of land ownership prior to 2005. The Chief Minister wrote a letter, assuring them that all demands would be resolved in a timely manner.
Additionally, the Chief Minister accepted the demand for a loan waiver and assured that those who took loans between 2001 and 2008 would also benefit from this waiver. Previously, the loan waiver scheme only covered loans taken after 2009.
Why did the Maharashtra government ultimately yield to the demands of the tribal farmers?
In the beginning, the Maharashtra government, mirroring the sentiments of BJP MP Poonam Mahajan, displayed a sense of arrogance, dismissively brushing aside communist ideology as irrelevant. This attitude seemed to stem from an obliviousness fostered by the dominant influence of leaders like Modi and Amit Shah. However, as protests erupted across Thane, Palghar, Nashik, Nandurbar, and other regions, Chief Minister Fadnavis started to feel the weight of concern. He realised that these vocal public outcries could severely jeopardise the BJP’s prospects in the upcoming 2019 Lok Sabha and Assembly elections. This scenario eerily echoed what had transpired with Chandrababu Naidu in Andhra Pradesh, whose political standing plummeted amid widespread protests.
Adding to Fadnavis’s anxiety was the significant backing from farmers within the Shiv Sena, which rang alarm bells for the BJP. The results from recent by-elections in several constituencies in Rajasthan and Bengal painted a troubling picture for the party, and in Madhya Pradesh—a territory long considered a stronghold for the BJP—Shivraj Singh Chouhan’s reputation and credibility were facing decline. In light of these pressures, Fadnavis sought to bolster his political standing by urgently addressing the grievances of the farming community. He may have come to the realisation that the usual propaganda themes, such as “love jihad,” “cow vigilantism,” “superstition,” “anti-Muslim sentiments,” and “false sedition cases,” would likely fall flat with the tribal farmers. The hardships faced by these farmers had begun to resonate with not only the citizens of Maharashtra but also farmers from various regions of the country, creating a broader wave of sympathy and solidarity.
At the same time, public outrage was swelling against the NDA government, which appeared even more aligned with corporate interests than the previous UPA administration. The NDA’s tendency to allocate bailouts worth trillions of rupees to corporations stood in stark contrast to the plight of impoverished farmers drowning in debt—a stark reality that received alarmingly little attention. Aware of this growing discontent, Fadnavis exhibited a degree of political savvy by conceding to the demands of the tribal farmers, hoping to diffuse tensions and foster goodwill within this crucial voter base.
Yet, despite these concessions, the Maharashtra government did not effectively implement its promises.This ineffectiveness led to a repeated pattern of unfulfilled commitments, which ultimately fuelled further unrest. The Kisan Long March 2 commenced on February 27, 2019, symbolising a continuation of the farmers’ fight, but it was regrettably suspended shortly after. In a familiar script, the government repealed only three agricultural laws to bring an end to the extensive 2020-2021 farmers’ protest, while a multitude of other assurances remained unfulfilled, leaving many farmers feeling betrayed and voicing their frustrations further.
Lessons from the Lal Lambi Yatra:
The lessons from the Lal Lambi Yatra are as follows:
1. Although the Lal Lambi Yatra was organised and led by the All India Kisan Sabha, affiliated with the CPI(M), it also garnered support from various organisations and political parties with diverse ideologies.
2. The then Chief Minister exhibited political wisdom by accepting the farmers’ demands, considering the potential impact on the upcoming elections. Had similar wisdom been applied during the historic farmers’ protest of 2020-2021, it would not have lasted for 378 days and would not have resulted in the untimely deaths of more than 750 farmers.
3. The 180-kilometer Red March received tremendous public support, with local roadside eateries providing food and social organisations, civic welfare groups, and ordinary citizens offering essential items such as food, water, tea, medicines, slippers, and shoes. The sight of blisters and bloody wounds on marchers’ feet moved many. The historical legacy of this long Red March significantly impacted the farmers’ movement of 2020-2021.
4. The support and cooperation from individuals of different castes and religions demonstrated that forces of secularism, brotherhood, and coexistence are emerging through civil movements in India, which will undoubtedly weaken divisive forces.
5. This long Red March teaches violent organisations—such as Naxalites and Maoists—that no movement can succeed without public support.
In summary, this remarkable movement stands out from previous ones in Maharashtra and has had a significant influence on Mumbai and its residents. The Lal Lambi Yatra holds a crucial place in the history of the farmers’ movement, impacting all subsequent farmers’ movements in one way or another.
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